In an Ottoman market, the price of a good was often not left to bargaining between seller and buyer. For everyday necessities such as bread, meat, oil and soap, the state set a ceiling, entered it in the judge's registers, and had the market inspector (muhtesib) check that it was observed. This system was called narh. For Amasya, the most detailed view of how it worked comes from the Islamic court registers covering the years 1764 to 1770. Those ledgers record, line by line, the weight of the bread loaf, the price of a measure of meat, of cotton and of nails; they even note what the library of a deceased man was valued at in piastres.
Amasya's Economic Position
Amasya was conquered by Bayezid I (Yıldırım) in 1398 and placed under the administration of Çelebi Mehmed. After Bayezid's defeat by Timur at the Battle of Ankara in 1402, Çelebi Mehmed withdrew to Amasya with his forces, and from then on the city was known as a "pay-ı taht", a reserve capital, and as a princely sanjak. Until the end of the sixteenth century it kept its role as the Ottoman state's strategic centre and base of operations in the east. The land regime around Amasya, Divriği and Sivas, which belonged to the province of Rum, also differed from that of other regions. Under the system known as "malikâne-divanî", the title to the land had been granted to notables, but the collection of the haraç tax and other dues continued. The peasantry, who worked the land, paid their taxes to the timar holder and the sipahi, and in addition paid a separate share to the owner of the estate as ground rent.
The city's commercial vitality came largely from its position on the roads. The Tarsus, Kayseri, Zile and Samsun route passed through Amasya, and the Iranian silk arriving via Azerbaijan and Bursa spread silk weaving and trade in the city. One of the silk roads came by way of Kastamonu, Bolu or Çorum and Ankara in two branches, then ran through Amasya, Tokat, Erzincan, Erzurum and the Aras valley to Tabriz. Evliya Çelebi mentions a hundred and six shops and busy bazaars in Amasya in the seventeenth century. The liveliness that the roads had brought began to fade from the end of the sixteenth century and, in step with the general decline of the state, continued to fade in the years under study. The limited range of goods in the narh lists should be read against this background.
What Narh Is
Narh is the official determination of the maximum selling price of basic necessities and certain services. The word comes from the Persian "nirh", meaning value or price, and in popular speech it was also pronounced "nark". In Arabic, the going market price is called "si'r", and its fixing and limiting "tes'îr". In the narrow sense narh is a price ceiling; in the broad sense it also covers the setting of minimum and fixed prices. In Ottoman sources it usually appears in the first sense, an upper limit on the prices of goods and services fixed by the state. Its purpose was to avoid leaving the public to high prices and hunger in hard times such as war, famine, locust plagues, floods or earthquakes, and also to prevent black-marketeering and hoarding.
How narh should be judged from a religious standpoint is a disputed question in Islamic jurisprudence. According to the reports, the Prophet turned down a request to limit prices during a food shortage in Medina, on the grounds that it would wrong the sellers. For this reason, in a normally functioning market the Hanafis regard imposing narh as reprehensible bordering on forbidden (tahrîmen mekruh), and the other schools regard it as forbidden. On the other hand, there are views that consider narh permissible, even necessary, when food prices are artificially driven to extreme levels, the public is harmed and no other remedy remains. The researcher who studied the Amasya registers resolves this tension as follows: narh may not be sharia-based in its origin, but it fits Islam's disciplined stance against disorder, lawlessness and unjust gain. Narh is a customary practice (örf), and since Ottoman law did not consist of Islamic law alone, the state kept applying it.
The principles governing price relations were remembered in the same framework. Respecting measure and weight, not cheating in trade, avoiding hoarding, leaving no room for middlemen and moneylenders, and staying away from speculation that artificially raises prices are counted among the basic rules of Islamic economics, while sale by auction is free. These principles were the moral basis of the supervision in the market.
How Narh Was Set
Narh was set by the state itself. Sultans issued orders on the matter, but in practice the main responsibility fell to the judge (kadı). In the provinces the judge fixed the price after consulting the muhtesib, the market chiefs (pazarbaşı), the guild shaykh, the notables and the local elite, and, depending on the size of the settlement, also obtained the approval of an official such as the governor or the garrison commander. This approval corresponded to the imperial decree and command in the capital. In Istanbul the Istanbul judge issued the narh, and the lists he prepared were sent on to the other judgeships and to provincial towns. To inform the public of the new prices, criers went through the bazaars.
The setting of prices was not done by arbitrary calculation. The steward (kethüda) and the yiğitbaşı of each trade were consulted and, where necessary, a "çeşni" was taken, that is, the quantity of raw material to be used in producing a good was determined and the price was built on that basis. For bread the type of flour, and for cloth the silk and the precious metal used, entered this calculation. In Istanbul the prices of meat and milk were fixed at meetings attended by the janissary agha, the chief butcher of the palace, the owners of farms and the steward of the butchers, while for bread the grain inspector and the steward of the bakers were present. Because the muhtesib was the official who knew the market best, some works on the order of the state wrote that it would be more appropriate for narh to be issued by him directly. In practice, however, the muhtesib could not issue narh without consulting the judge. Experienced people who knew the market's business were called "ehl-i hibre". It was they who stated a reasonable price according to the kind and quality of the goods, and the judge gave that price official standing by approving it.
A lawful profit was added to the calculation as well. The legal profit of tradesmen varied between ten and fifteen per cent; in the market-inspection regulations (ihtisap kanunnâmes) this rate was referred to as "onu on bir" (ten to eleven), and in work demanding great labour it could rise to fifteen per cent. A distinction was also drawn between the wholesaler who brought goods in from outside, the so-called getirici, and the shopkeeper-retailer. Goods that arrived at the wholesale price were not allowed to be sold in the shop at the retail price.
Narh worked less by a fixed tariff than by a calendar tied to the seasons and to events. Regular narhs were issued at particular times of the year: meat was priced around Hıdrellez, that is, 6 May, bread according to the new wheat crop after the harvest, and nearly all foodstuffs on the first day of Ramadan or a few days before it. War, blockade, famine, natural disasters and the debasement of the coinage were the causes of extraordinary narhs. When the amount of silver in the silver coin fell, the value of goods rose rapidly, and once the state re-adjusted the coin all prices were set afresh. In the registers examined for Amasya it appears that narh was generally issued twice a year, in spring and at the beginning of winter, and that a separately prepared list for each product was communicated to all tradesmen. The records were entered in the judges' registers, usually on the back pages of the ledgers; in Istanbul, by contrast, narh ledgers were kept separately.
The Guild System and the Gedik
The enforcement of narh depended on the guild organisation that structured the market. Each craft had a guild shaykh, a steward and a yiğitbaşı, and also its ehl-i hibre. This board, chosen from among the tradesmen and confirmed by the government, was both responsible for the condition of the trade and acted as an intermediary between the state and the tradesmen. The kethüda, also called kâhya, managed the relationship between the guild and the state, while the yiğitbaşı was responsible for discipline among the masters. In disputes concerning the tradesmen, the first person to whom one turned was the kethüda.
In every city and every district, the number of shops in a craft was limited, and increasing that number depended on government permission. The privilege of opening an independent shop was called "gedik"; a person without a gedik could not practise a craft or trade, and a shop opened in secret was closed once discovered. The conditions for becoming a master were to serve as an apprentice with a master, then pass through a period as a journeyman, treat customers fairly, and obtain the master's approval. Shoddy goods were not tolerated in this system; a defective shop could be closed temporarily, and serious offences were referred to the judge.
Researchers speak cautiously about the origin of the guilds. The Ahi organisation, associated with Ahi Evran in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, had a large influence on the formation of the guild structure, but it would not be right to say that the Ottoman guild organisation rested wholly on Ahism. The Ahi order was more tied to religious ceremonies; as the number of non-Muslim masters among the tradesmen grew, a guild structure in which they too could easily take part came to the fore. In the Amasya registers a trace of this can be seen among the butchers. In the years studied there were nine tradesmen working as butchers. In the documents on the appointment of butchers no distinction was made between Muslim and non-Muslim, and joint shops were even sometimes opened. Kesdan Hafız Mustafa and the Christian Manok, who in 1764 obtained permission to open a butcher's shop, are an example. The tradesmen appointed as butchers were bound by the condition "not to cause hardship to the servants of God and to keep meat available at all times".
The Muhtesib's Supervision
Once the narh list was prepared, the real task was to watch its application. The muhtesib did this by constantly touring the market with the lads in his service. He checked whether the scales weighed correctly, whether the measures were short, and whether goods were sold in accordance with the narh. Because he was the official who followed price movements most closely, he was regarded as the judge's greatest helper in fixing prices. Whether tradesmen kept to the narh was checked jointly by the judge, the muhtesib and the guild steward, and the shops of those who did not comply could be closed. The sources also relate that on Wednesdays the grand viziers toured the market with a large retinue and punished on the spot those who failed to meet the standards of quality, public health and price. Since the penalty for violating the narh is not specified in the religious texts, the type of punishment was determined by the authorities. In the books of jurisprudence flogging, fines, confiscation of goods, imprisonment and expulsion from the market are among the penalties listed.
The grocers' narh shows well how this worked in Amasya. When narh was issued to the grocers on the eleventh day of Receb in 1769, the beginning of the record states who fixed the prices: Seyyid Ali Çelebi, the market chief of the tradesmen of the city, the senior grocers and the pilgrims, with the knowledge and approval of the sharia. It is clear from the records that, so that grocers would not stockpile goods and turn to hoarding, the state issued narh to them at set intervals and showed no leniency toward hoarders.
Prices in the Amasya Registers
The Amasya court registers numbered 52 and 53 that were examined cover the Hijri years 1179 to 1184, that is, 1765 to 1770. Most prices are written in akçe. Wheat prices are given in para and guruş, cotton and cloth prices in three units, and the prices of live animals and books in guruş. A guruş was equal to 120 akçe in 1767 and to a hundred akçe in narh calculations in 1768. The value of the silver coin had fallen, and the "para", one fortieth of a kuruş, had become common in the market. Fluctuation in prices therefore came not only from the value of the goods but also from the value of the money. The unit of measure was mostly the kıyye; one kıyye is 400 dirhams, about 1,282 grams.
Basic foodstuffs and necessities are collected in the grocers' narh. The lists include plain butter-oil, olive oil, honey, rice, bulgur, soap, almonds, raisins, hazelnuts, figs, halva, vinegar, salt, kadayıf, chickpeas, kindling, pitch and kinds of sausage. Some bear Amasya's name: the kıyye of Amasya sausage is 50 akçe in 1765 and 48 in 1767, and the kıyye of Amasya rice is recorded at 18 akçe in 1767. The kıyye of plain butter-oil stood between 54 and 60 akçe in 1765 and 1767, fell to 40 in 1769 and rose to 72 in 1770. Olive oil rose from 72 akçe to 96 in 1770. The kıyye of honey was 54-60 akçe in 1765, 40-48 in 1767 and 54 in 1770. Rice went from 18-20 akçe to 24, salt from 10 akçe to 24, and chickpeas from 9 akçe to 12.
The general picture of the lists is as follows: the most expensive items are honey, almonds, olive oil and soap, and the cheapest are legumes such as chickpeas, and rice. No extraordinary fall or rise is seen, but there is a marked increase in 1770. The 1765 and 1767 lists are richer in variety. The decline in the number of items in later years is explained by the wars of the period, climatic changes, natural disasters and banditry. The Ottoman-Russian War, local production, natural conditions, trade and the devaluation of the akçe all played a part in price fluctuations.
Bread
With bread it was the weight that moved, not the price. The price of a loaf was always one akçe; when necessary the state increased or decreased the weight in dirhams of the bread to be given for one akçe. Bread prices are written in the registers not as a regular list but mostly as marginal notes beside other narh lists; sometimes fixed lists are also given under the title "narh-ı ekmekçiyan" (the bakers' narh). Movements in the price of wheat were reflected directly in bread. Because it was the staple food of the people, the state had to reset this price frequently.
On the twenty-fifth of Receb 1764, 120 dirhams of bread were sold for one akçe; a year later this weight was reduced to 90 dirhams. In Cemaziyelâhir of the same year it was left free between 80 and 110 dirhams, and it rose to 105 in 1766 and 125 in 1767. In 1768 and 1769 the weight stood between 110 and 125 dirhams, and in 1770 and 1771 one akçe bought only 80 dirhams of bread. Behind this decline lies the cost to the state of the war then under way.
Meat
Meat prices fluctuated between 10 and 18 akçe per kıyye between 1764 and 1769. On the twenty-sixth of Şaban 1764 narh was issued anew for four shops; the kıyye was set at 12 akçe, while the head and liver were left to the consent of the parties. The prices of head, liver and mumbar (stuffed intestine) varied between three and nine akçe. Tallow and tail fat were sometimes sold by the kıyye and sometimes by the batman. In 1764, when a guruş was 180 akçe, tallow was sold at 180 akçe; in 1767 the price fell by fifty akçe to 120, and in 1769 the kıyye of tallow dropped to 17 and tail fat to 24 akçe.
Cloth, Cotton and Nails
The information on cloth prices consists of two narhs, dated 1766 and 1769, which appear under the names "narh-ı kazzâzan" and "narh-ı ibrişim". The dirham of silk thread fell from 7 akçe to 6, of braid from 8 to 7, and of alagöz from 10 to 9. Between the two dates prices fell by about ten per cent; since the dates are very close to each other, no further comparison can be made.
The kıyye of cotton, called "hallaç" in the registers, was 100 akçe in the narh of 30 Receb 1764 and stayed the same in 1766. The price, which dropped to 85 akçe on 21 Cemaziyelevvel 1768, is also calculated in the same record as 3.5 guruş per batman and 32 para per kıyye. In 1770 the kıyye of cotton rose to 130 akçe. For nails there is only one list, dated 12 Rabiülevvel 1768: the kıyye of large nails is 60 akçe, a hundred of the three-to-a-unit nails 30 akçe, a hundred of the five-to-a-unit nails 15 akçe, a hundred of the counting nails 12 akçe, and a hundred of the stick nails 9 akçe. The large nails are reckoned by the kıyye and the others by number.
Wheat and Requisitions
Wheat prices are given by the kile in the lists "narh-ı habbâzan" and "narh-ı ekmekçiyan"; separate values are given to the best grade, the middle grade and the poor grade. Per kile, in 1764 good wheat was 110, middling 100 and poor 80 para; in 1765, 120, 110 and 100 para. In 1767 prices fell by a similar proportion and in the following two years stayed around a hundred para. These figures are official narh prices and are higher than the requisition prices at which the state itself bought.
The requisition (mübayaa), the compulsory purchase by the state for the army, forms a separate part of the registers. A decree dated 21 Şevval 1769 asked from the district of Amasya seventy thousand kile of Istanbul-measure flour and forty thousand kile of barley, to be shipped to the Samsun landing, with the kile of wheat reckoned at sixty and the kile of barley at thirty akçe. The same prices were applied in the purchase of Ramadan 1770. The low price in requisitions can be linked to financial difficulties in wartime and to the idea of the people's contribution to the campaign. The difference between the official narh price and the requisition price shows that the state's stance of protecting the market and its stance of meeting its own needs worked separately.
Animals and Books
There was no narh on live animals. The age of the animal and whether it was fattened were taken into account, and the price depended on agreement between the parties. The live animals that appear in the registers are horses, mules and camels bought for their labour on campaign. A hundred and fifty pack animals were requested from the sanjak of Amasya for the campaign against the Muscovites and distributed among the districts. In a decree of Safer 1768, five thousand five hundred mules were to be bought at 125 guruş to be brought to the winter quarters at Yanbolu. In Şaban 1768 it was ordered that camels be bought at 110 and mules at 60 guruş. According to the registers, the price of a camel varied between 110 and 130 guruş.
The most striking of the records is the price list of the books found in the estate of Abdizade Mehmet Efendi, who died on 10 Zilhicce 1768 in the Cami-i Enderun quarter of Amasya. A copy of the Qur'an is the most expensive item at 25 guruş. The commentary of the Kadı, the Envâm-ı şerif, the history of Ibn Khallikan and the proverb book of Meydânî stand at ten guruş. The four-volume commentary on the Cami-i Sağîr, at seven guruş, follows them. The divan of Mevlânâ and the Mantıku't-Tayr are two guruş each, the Gulistan and the Baharistan one guruş each. Most of the divans are between half and one and a half guruş, and the Muhtasar-ı Vikâye is valued at half a guruş. The list contains books of jurisprudence, Qur'anic commentary, hadith, theology, medicine, lexicography, Persian poetry and letter-writing together; in this way the variety and value of the books a scholar read in Amasya in the middle of the eighteenth century are documented.
The End of Narh
The judges' duties of issuing and supervising narh continued until the middle of the nineteenth century. In 1851 an Es'âr Nezâreti (Ministry of Prices) was founded to deal with narh matters; when its work gave no good results, an Es'âr Meclisi (Price Council) attached to the Ihtisab Nezâreti was formed in 1854. When the Ihtisab Nezâreti was abolished and the municipality of Istanbul (şehremaneti) was set up, this council also disappeared. From 1856 on no narh entry is found in the registers. A few years later narh on vegetables and fruit first, and then on everything except bread, was lifted, and prices began to be set in the free market. The guilds themselves were abolished entirely in 1924.
The narh system was an instrument that tried to adjust prices by following the changing conditions of supply and demand. In drought or in years of shrinking supply narh was raised, and in times of plenty it was lowered. The Amasya registers offer a small-scale but documented example of how this worked in the provinces.
Chronology
1398: Bayezid I conquers Amasya; the administration of the city is given to Çelebi Mehmed.
1402: After the Battle of Ankara, Çelebi Mehmed withdraws to Amasya; the city comes to be known as a princely sanjak.
1764: In Şaban, narh is issued for four butcher shops; 120 dirhams of bread are sold for one akçe.
1768: The nail narh is issued; the books in the estate of Abdizade Mehmet Efendi are priced.
1769: Narh is issued to the grocers; a requisition decree is issued for grain to be sent to the Samsun landing.
1851: The Es'âr Nezâreti is established.
1856: Narh entries end in the registers.
Sources
Academic studies
- Yılmaz Karadeniz, "Amasya'da Fiyatlar (1764-1770)", DergiPark, https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/download/article-file/114213
- Zumrud Nuri, "Esnaf Birlikleri ve Narh Sistemi", Balkan ve Yakın Doğu Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 2019, http://ibaness.org/bnejss/2019_05_01/04_Nuri.pdf
- Cengiz Kallek and Mübahat S. Kütükoğlu, "Narh", TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi, https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/narh
- "Muhtesib", TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi, https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/muhtesib
- "Esnaf", TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi, https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/esnaf
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